A History of Marxian Economics, Volume 1: 1883-1929 (Princeton Legacy Library)
Michael Charles Howard, John Edward King
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The first volume of this critical history covers the social, political, and theoretical forces behind the development of Marxian economics from Marx's death in 1883 until 1929, the year marking the onset of Stalin's "revolution from above," which subsequently transformed the Soviet Union into a modern superpower. During these years, Marxists in both Russia and Germany found their economic ideas inextricably linked with practical political problems, and treated theory as a guide to action. This book systematically examines the important theoretical literature of the period, including insightful works by political functionaries outside academia--journalists, party organizers, underground activists, and teachers in the labor movement--presented here as the primary forgers of Marxian economic thought.
Beginning with Engels's writings, this book analyzes the work of leading Marxist economists in the Second International, then concludes with a review of the intellectual movements within the Marxian political economy during the 1920s. A second volume treating the period from 1929 to the present will follow.
Originally published in 1989.
Sonnenschein. 1893) pp. 134-5. 30. Heimann. 'Die Aktualitat Bernsteins", p. 10; Angel. Eduard Bernstein, pp. 2234. 31. Zur Geschichte. pp. 97-105; cf. Angel. Eduard Bernstein, pp. 231-6, and D. M. Gordon. R. C. Edwards and M. Reich. Segmented Work, Divided Workers: the Historical Transformation of Labor in the United States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1982). 32. A. Hussain and K. Tribe, Marxism and the Agrarian Question, especially pp. 103-38. 33. Evolutionary Socialism, pp. 42-51.
contem porary reversion to mercantilist policies of protection and colonial plunder as a product of political reaction, carried out by classes opposed to economic development. It was the policy of bureaucrats, state pensioners and 'high finance' rather than of industrial capitalists. Kautsky concluded that German capitalists had gained nothing from the colonisation of 94 The German Contribution, 1883-1914 Africa, and would fare no better in China. Free trade on the British model was much
exploitation of noncapitalist markets, would imply that 'human consumption becomes increas ingly unimportant, and production more and more an end in itself. 23 Luxemburg finds such an idea to be absurd. But she herself is mistaken in Capital Accumulation, Imperialism, War: Luxemburg and Bauer 113 imputing to the capitalist system as a whole the goal of expanding human consumption. By its very nature the system is anarchic and hence devoid of purpose, so that any teleology is inappropriate.
Populism Russian chauvinism hinged upon the specifics of its society. Conservatives emphasised and celebrated the non-Western nature of the empire. While progressive thinkers outside Russia were appalled and frightened by the lack of civilisation, the Slavophilic ideologists took a mirror-image stance on the superiority of their home ground. In this they paralleled aristocratic attitudes which surfaced in the West, but their intellectual defence also sired as a by-product the first Russian
brought in its Populism and Orthodox Marxism in the 1890s 175 wake increased activity for suppliers, who were sometimes organised in a customary fashion. But this was only possible because much of the older industry had been long dominated by merchant capital. 46 Subsequently, Tugan-Baranovsky pointed out, mechanisation undermined familial pro duction, although even then there was no straightforward replacement of 'small-scale' by 'large-scale' production, as the Erfurt programme sug