Durable Inequality (Irene Flecknoe Ross Lecture)
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individualized the mobility process while OF E S S E N C E S AND B O N D S 33 obscuring such causes as changes in hiring practices and the formation of job-finding networks by migrants. In an earlier review of the Christopher Jencks et al. Inequality (1972), Stinchcombe had made the essential distinction between two ways of representing inequality among paired persons: first as a difference in the positions of the two individuals with respect to similar variables, second as a characteristic
enact rituals recognizing the relevant networks, boundaries, and relations; and represent them by symbolically explicit devices such as uniforms, badges, and organization charts. Interior categories include those that bound the organization itself, separating members from nonmembers. Exterior categories, in contrast, do not originate in a given organization, but they often install systematic differences in activities, rewards, power, and prospects within that organization; they come from outside.
accrued to mixed-race families who could "pass" for white, great anxieties about purity of blood, strenuous efforts at constructing genealogy in support of white claims to superiority. A similar, often equally pernicious, process unfolds at national and international scales in the creation of ostensible nations whose spokespersons claim priority within the native territory. Where rewards such as statehood, military aid, or preferential access to land accrue to leaders who assert credibly that
ultimately from direct effects accumulated in individual or collective experience. From one situation to another, the effects of differential nutrition, information, education, socialization, belief, and emotional experience carry over as on-the-average categorical differences in performance. Indirect effects include a variety of attributes that people carry around with them quite individually: personal styles, emotional sensitivities, knowledge, responses to frustration, and more. All of them
substitute new beliefs. A relational analysis revises that belief-centered account. In a relational view, categorical beliefs result from categorical relations and practices. Beliefs accumulate and change as a consequence of improvisation with social interaction. Once in place, nevertheless, beliefs justify, fortify, and constrain social interaction. Lifetimes of unequal male/female relations inculcate the stories people tell about gender differences, making them seem natural and inevitable. The