Settlers: The Mythology of the White Proletariat from Mayflower to Modern (Kersplebedeb)
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A uniquely important book in the canon of the North American revolutionary left and anticolonial movements, Settlers was first published in the 1980s. Written by activists with decades of experience organizing in grassroots anticapitalist struggles against white supremacy, the book established itself as an essential reference point for revolutionary nationalists and dissident currents within the Marxist-Leninist and anarchist movements. Always controversial within the establishment left, Settlers uncovers centuries of collaboration between capitalism and white workers and their organizations, as well as their neocolonial allies, showing how the United States was designed from the ground up as a parasitic and genocidal entity. As recounted in painful detail by J. Sakai, the United States has been built on the theft of Indigenous lands and of Afrikan labor, on the robbery of the northern third of Mexico, the colonization of Puerto Rico, and the expropriation of the Asian working class, with each of these crimes being accompanied by violence. This new edition includes a new essay and an interview with author J. Sakai by Ernesto Aguilar.
leave the original article unchanged, though, as evidence of the earlier movement discussion. This article was originally circulated as a discussion paper in the Winter of 1988, and later published in the New Afrikan revolutionary nationalist journal, Crossroad, in April 1989. How did Japanese-Americans get over $3 billion in reparations from the USA? What’s behind this surprising act “to right a grave wrong,” as none other than Ronald Reagan called it last August?
for each year of suffering … At the going government rate of $6,666.00 per year, and calculating it from the arrival of the first slaves in the early 1600s to the signing of the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863 … black Americans are due $1.7 million each.” After telling their readers that “a lot of black Americans were probably appalled” at the U.S. giving reparations to Japanese-Americans, Crockett and Bemby say that Japanese-Americans’ apparent power should be an example to black
woman in a housing project. But the real welfare is for white middle-class people. You have entire office buildings and cities full of people who don’t actually produce anything. They move paper around, they bill people, they do things, but they don’t actually produce anything. Everything that is produced is produced somewhere else by somebody else. And the question is how long can that be maintained? I would say it’s breaking down even now. It certainly is in Europe, and that’s why
sufferings, miseries, and revolutionary sentiments of the ruined and impoverished masses”; he pointed to “…particularly those who are least organized and educated, who are most oppressed and least amenable to organization.” (We might say that he shared the same perception that Malcolm X had of where to find a base for revolution.) On the global scale Lenin’s strategy of “go down lower and deeper, to the real masses” meant that the communist movement became truly internationalist, organizing
Big Union”) meant to combine workers of all trades and nationalities literally around the world. This was a period in the development of the world proletariat where these revolutionary syndicalist ideas had wide appeal. The immature belief that workers needed no revolutionary party or leadership, but merely had to gather into industrial unions and bring down capitalism by larger and larger strikes, was a passing phase. In 1900 these revolutionary syndicalist unions were popular in Spain, France,