Spies and Commissars: The Early Years of the Russian Revolution
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ceaseless polemics. At the same time they shared an admiration for Lenin and Trotsky, the October Revolution and Soviet Russia. They praised industrial and agrarian reforms under Sovnarkom’s rule. They depicted Lenin’s foreign policy as being oriented towards peace; they believed that only communists could put a permanent end to war. They showered plaudits on Trotsky and the Red Army and represented the Bolsheviks as innocent victims of reactionary internal and external forces. The American
own revolver. She was delayed by a punctilious sentry at the entrance to the building, which made her late through no fault of her own. This did not save her from being rebuked, albeit not executed, by the People’s Commissar for Military Affairs. He soon became charm incarnate and obviously liked being sculpted. The fact that the artist was a glamorous, uninhibited woman was a further stimulus: He looked up suddenly and stared back, a steady unabashed stare. After a few seconds I said I hoped
Buchanan, My Mission to Russia and Other Diplomatic Memories, pp. 120–1. 2. Russia on its Knees 1. L. Bryant, Six Red Months in Russia, p. 44; J. Reed, Ten Days that Shook the World (1960), pp. 13, 219 and 331; G. A. Hill, Go Spy the Land, p. 84. 2. J. Reed, Ten Days that Shook the World (1960), p. 14. 3. See R. Service, The Russian Revolution, 1900–1927, p. 63. 4. See R. Service, The Bolshevik Party in Revolution: A Study in Organisational Change, pp. 53–4 and 57. 5. See K.
meeting. Lenin used the excuse that only Yakov Sverdlov as Central Committee Secretary could convoke such a meeting and he was nowhere to be found. Sverdlov’s elusiveness was probably a contrived one. Lenin too made himself unavailable. This meant that when the leftists assembled they could not designate it as a meeting of any authoritativeness.30 It was the kind of behaviour that would have thrown Lenin into a rage if anyone had tried it on him. Although no one now remained under any illusions
he recorded that Trotsky dubbed Noulens ‘the Hermit of Vologda’. Noulens supposedly shaped his attitude according to ‘the prevailing policy of his own party in the French Chamber’, whereas Della Torretta spoke Russian but allowed himself to be bullied by Noulens. Rumours proliferated in Vologda’s fetid diplomatic atmosphere; and Lockhart had to chuckle when Noulens, who had heard that the Germans had installed one of Nicholas II’s ministers in power in Petrograd, nervously asked whether the story