The Postcolonial Gramsci (Routledge Research in Postcolonial Literatures)

The Postcolonial Gramsci (Routledge Research in Postcolonial Literatures)

Language: English

Pages: 266

ISBN: 0415748143

Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub


The importance of Antonio Gramsci’s work for postcolonial studies can hardly be exaggerated, and in this volume, contributors situate Gramsci's work in the vast and complex oeuvre of postcolonial studies. Specifically, this book endeavors to reassess the impact on postcolonial studies of the central role assigned by Gramsci to culture and literature in the formation of a truly revolutionary idea of the national―a notion that has profoundly shaped the thinking of both Frantz Fanon and Edward Said. Gramsci, as Iain Chambers has argued, has been instrumental in helping scholars rethink their understanding of historical, political, and cultural struggle by substituting the relationship between tradition and modernity with that of subaltern versus hegemonic parts of the world. Combining theoretical reflections and re-interpretations of Gramsci, the scholars in this collection present comparative geo-cultural perspectives on the meaning of the subaltern, passive revolution, hegemony, and the concept of national-popular culture in order to chart out a political map of the postcolonial through the central focus on Gramsci.

 

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Xiaoping, Deng 155 Z Zedong, Mao 24, 30, 121 Zhangke, Jia 13, 138, 144, 146–149, 150–152, 158, 161, 163n19, 163n20

38. See for instance Burgio, Gramsci storico. Una lettura dei Quaderni del carcere; Frosini, Da Gramsci a Marx. Ideologia, verità, politica; Liguori, Sentieri gramsciani; and Guido Liguori and Pasquale Voza (eds.), Dizionario gramsciano. 39. Particularly important in this regard is the work done in Naples by Lidia Curti and Iain Chambers: see for instance Chambers (ed.), Esercizi di potere. Gramsci, Said e il postcoloniale. 40. There is of course a wide literature especially on the issue of

includes a more politically elaborated notion of “popular” because it is related to the concept of “sovereignty”: national sovereignty and popular sovereignty have, or had, the same value). In Italy the term “national” has an ideologically very restricted meaning, and does not in any case coincide with “popular” because in Italy the intellectuals are distant from the people, i.e. from the “nation.” They are tied instead to a caste tradition that has never been broken by a strong popular or

to pagan, community rites in a potent synthesis. It is precisely for this reason, as Gramsci argues, that intellectual dissent and critical philosophies are invariably resisted. The tendential disruption of the everyday world is considered the work of an external and negative hegemony, seeking to limit the freedom of popular thought and render it subordinate and marginal. This, of course, is a profoundly political problem. How is the slippery coherence of common sense, secured in sedimented

Badiou on Universalism”). This ultimately explains why the liberal-democratic consensus makes so few demands in terms of democratic participation. Politics is increasingly mediated through the channels (and concentrated powers) of mass communications that call upon citizen-spectators to verify the truth of the image and then mandate a government that expects them to remain mute. The very nature of this state of affairs, in which the interests of the First World are so intertwined with the

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